Today, professional stock car racing is arguably the fastest growing spectator sport in the United States.  The 1998 Winston Cup series drew 6.4 million people, and events like the Daytona 500 typically draw more than 100,000 spectators every year.  Despite ticket prices that are constantly on the rise, spectators continue to turn out in record numbers.  As a sport whose image and success are directly tied to its fanbase, a discussion of NASCAR necessitates an examination of what it means to be a sport fan.

People’s images of a typical “sport fan” or “sport spectator” can vary greatly.  Some might imagine both as “happy, psychologically stable persons who are participating in a pastime that is important and beneficial to the structure of modern society” (Wann 1).  Such a pastime might lead to the formation of strong social bonds among spectators, as families join to watch a sporting event, or as groups of celebratory fans rush onto a field to congratulate the winning team.

Other perceptions of fans, however, might picture them as “beer-drinking couch potatoes with a pathological obsession with a trivial and socially disruptive activity.”  Other negative images of fans center on notions of  “strained marital relationships between fans and their spouses, the lives that have been ruined because of sport-related gambling, and the ways that sport directs attention away from life’s more important concerns, such as religion, politics, education, and the betterment of humanity” (Wann 1).  The behavior of fans has been interpreted as "escapism, compensation, wish fulfillment and fantasy."  Television fans in particular are often treated as having "immoderate tastes and abnormal likings" believed by antagonists of such fans to justify "elitist and disrespectul beliefs about common life" and conceptions of fans as "others unlike us in their beliefs and activities."  The outsider status of some fans is reinforced by the fact that fans are associated typically with cultural forms that are commonly denigrated, such as sports, pop music, television, romance novels, and comic books (Cashmore 119).

There are many gaps in the study of the formation of fan communities, their demographics, and individuals’ motivations for participating in sport fandom, yet it is possible to distinguish between fans and spectators and to make assertions as to how society affects and is affected by them.  The formation of fan communities has been aided since the mid-twentieth century by the emergence of global mass media and multimedia, which have enhanced fans' ability to communicate and organize, thereby enhancing the group identities of fandoms (Cashmore 119).  Even as fans themselves are called "victims" of mass culture and mass persuasion, driving them to become stereotypically obsessed loners of hysterical crowds, nearly everyone in society is affected by sport fans and their influences on media coverage of entertainment, on the construction of heroes, and on social behavior and interpersonal relationships (Cashmore 120).
 
 

The term "fan" has its roots in "fanatic," an individual "filled with excessive and often undreasonable enthusiasm," which, in the case of sport fans, results from an interest in a sport, team, or athlete (Cashmore 119).  Sport spectators, also labeled sport consumers, actively witness a sporting event in person or through radio, television, print, or another kind of media.  While such distinctions are useful, the terms are not mutually exclusive; the majority of individuals who witness a particular sporting event also call themselves fans of that sport or of a team or player involved; and most fans do, at some point, attend sporting events.

Interest in spectator sports continues to soar.  Yet most psychological and sociological studies of sport spectatorship have looked at professional or collegiate sports receiving a lot of media coverage and featuring strong fan allegiances.  Little is known about sport fans who are not spectators yet follow a favorite team through the print media, the radio, or the Internet.
 
 

Although surveys clearly show that most Americans consider themselves sport fans, it is just as clear that others lack any interest in sport (Wann 23).  Why do some people become devoted fans while others have no interest?  Sport fans are socialized.  They "learn and accept the values, beliefs, attitudes, and norms of the sport fan culture,” such as the rules of a game, the jargon, terminology, player statistics, etc (Wann 24).  Even within a sport setting, smaller social systems form in areas such as ticket line, a restroom, a tailgating party, from which a new set of rules for behavior might stem.

Most of the research done on socialization agents does not account for variations across different sports and ethnic groups; the typical English soccer fan is perceived as a notorious hooligan, as soccer fans have a long history of violence, while the North American golf fan is notoriously calm and collected, and both kinds of fans are affected by a different set of values, attitudes, and norms attributed to their sport.
 
 

In most cases, fans enjoy sports as social activities, whether at home, at a bar, or in an arena.  Such group environments, whether occupied by friends or relatives, motivate people to participate as fans in order to gain a sense of belonging (Wann 31).  Women typically become sport fans in order to spend time with other relatives interested in sports, whereas men typically become fans if their friends are fans.

While some fans might appreciate a sport because of the athletic performance involved or the opportunity to socialize, some fans participate in sport only as a means of gambling.

Some fans might avoid the anxiety or distress associated with sport spectating, but plenty of people become sport fans because they enjoy the excitement and suspense involved in attending a sport, and view the distress as a positive element, particularly if their everyday lives seem boring or unstimulating by comparison.  Sport fans may view their participation in sport as an escape from such everyday tedium or, just as easily, from (negative) stress and overstimulation.  Most men appreciate sport because it is exciting, creating a feeling of arousal that can be both legitimate and legitimating, a way to enhance one's self-confidence.

To date, only one study has investigated the relationship between race and the motives of sport fans, and it contradicted research that shows African Americans as being more interested in sport fandom than Caucasians, suggesting that there may be fan motives that are particularly relevant to various ethnic and racial groups that have not yet been examined.  Needless to say, a more valid and comprehensive assessment of why people become sport fans should look at a wider range of socialization agents, as well as issues of class, race, and ethnicity that may account for different processes of socialization into fan culture.
 
 

Recreation and diversion theories suggest that spectators are drawn to a sport for the pleasure and sense of physical and mental well-being that it allows them to experience.  Such spectators’ may derive pleasure from the arousal and stress, both positive and negative, which can result from sport consumption.  Catharsis and aggression theories attribute spectators’ attraction to a sport to the events’ violent and aggressive content.  In addition, such spectators may crave, whether consciously or not, the opportunity to release some of their own aggression in the process of watching an aggressive sport; yet research shows that violent sports lead more frequently to an increased level of aggression among spectators than to a sense of calm.

People might watch a sport because they admire the gracefulness of its participants, as with gymnastics or figure skating, or because they appreciate the camaraderie and opportunities for socializing.  Spectators may harbor their own fantasies of becoming an athlete, causing them to experience a vicarious "thrill of victory."  Spectators might also enjoy becoming “lost” in the action, or their attendance might stem from attraction to athletes’ personalities.  If a loyal fan, a spectator may have no problem spending $1000 on a ticket to see a favorite team play, especially if the event promises personal incentives, like camaraderie and thrilling highlights.

On the other hand, attending a sport might sound attractive because of the prospect of free giveaways, or because it means a trip to a flashy stadium.  Sport spectating can allow an individual to gain approval among peers, or else to compete with other spectators by demonstrating superior knowledge of sport statistics.
Of course, such interperonal relationships can also be fulfilling for their own sake.
 
 

Sport heroes are important to attracting and creating a fanbase.  It is difficult to imagine fan culture without the idolization of players, or the fierce loyalties to certain teams.  As a general rule, sport heroes possess exceptional physical skill, and it is this “performance excellence” that receives the most attention from the media.  In addition, however, sport heroes must display “moral excellence,” responsibility, sportsmanship, and self-control.

Michael Jordan, for example, became a basketball hero due to his astounding athletic ability, as well as his commitment to being a positive role model for youth.  Just like Dale Earnhardt and his black number three became icons among NASCAR fans, Jordan became an icon along with his #23 Chicago Bulls jersey and, undoubtedly, his Nikes.  If fans revered Jordan's self-proclaimed "love of the game," a natural foil was Rodman's love of shock value.  Rodman's rapport with fans has never rivaled that of Jordan's because Rodman's outrageous antics on and off the court made him seem more like a spectacle than a superhero.

Heroes might function in fans' lives to evoke the "traits and values associated with a bygone era…the ‘glory’ days.”  Sport heroes are mainly involved in the public sphere, they allow fans to enjoy interactions with one another and to form friendships based on their “admiration of a common hero” (Wann 72).
 
 

Spectator sports affect society in diverse (and debatable) ways.  They can become outlets for emotional expression, become sources of quality entertainment, facilitate a national identity, become a form of religion, and improve integration at all levels of society.

The language of sport enters into nearly every aspect of life – the military, the business world, politics, advertising, even sex – by providing a common ground, a topic of conversation, as well as through popular American English words and expressions “derived from terms directly associated with sports, games, and recreation” (Wann 183).  Baseball metaphors, for example, have become an integral part of American English as a way of expressing one’s ideas, expectations and experiences in a way that is familiar and understood.  "Striking out" can be as apparent in the dating world as on home plate.  If something "hits home" it makes perfect sense.  "Wanted to talk to you" frequently becomes "Wanted to touch base."

Although the link between national sports and collective representation is not always straightforward, sport fandom can highlight the ways that widespread emotional appeal of the Superbowl, for example, has come to symbolize American cultural values the same way that sumo wrestling may be viewed as an emblem of Japanese culture (Wann 186).

There is considerable data showing that spectator sports contribute to integration at all levels of society, from the community to the global level, as a “popular form of mass entertainment with the power to create order amid diversity” (Wann 192).  At the interpersonal level, for example, attending a sporting event can facilitate casual, friendly interactions between strangers who are willing and enthusiastic to share relevant information about the athletes and sport.